Lok Sabha polls | BJP’s victory will drive the last nail in the coffin for Indian democracy: Dravidar Kazhagam chief Veeramani

President of the Dravidar Kazhagam, K. Veeramani, stresses the need to vote out the BJP government. He says that in 2014, there was a hope among the youth that Modi will bring about a change, but now unemployment and inflation have soared

March 31, 2024 11:04 pm | Updated April 01, 2024 02:31 pm IST

K. Veeramani

K. Veeramani

K. Veeramani, 91, the president of the Dravidar Kazhagam (DK), has watched, and campaigned for, all general elections in India. He was also arrested during the Emergency. In an interview with The Hindu, he says that if the BJP returns to power at the Centre, after this election, it would be the last nail in the coffin for Indian democracy. Excerpts: 

What is the difference between the current election and the other elections?

There are two elections that are important and distinct from others. One of them was held after the Emergency, and the other is the upcoming general election. During the former, me and leaders such as Chief Minister M.K. Stalin were in prison. Prison authorities said that there would be no election thereafter and that our lives would end behind bars. They used to threaten us saying there would be just one party (Congress) and others would not survive as the announcement for their ban would be issued soon. But, suddenly there was an announcement for the elections. It was a surprise. But, subsequently, there was an announcement for elections. We were also released. Opposition leaders, on the guidance of Jayaprakash Narayan, formed the Janata Party. Though Indira Gandhi did not anticipate a defeat, the Congress was voted out. Even during those times, the atmosphere was not as dark as it was in the past 10 years of Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s rule. The difference between the Emergency period and the Modi government is that they (the Congress government) were intellectually honest. That is not the case with the Modi government.

The preamble of the Constitution, which forms its basic structure, cannot be altered. But, the BJP is against the Constitution and wants to adopt Manu Dharma. It came to power on false promises. This election is crucial since the party seeks to rule like Hitler who used Provision 48 of the Weimar Constitution to take emergency measures without the consent of the Reichstag, the main legislature of the German State. There is an apprehension, not only among us, but also among the intellectuals and democratic forces worldwide that the BJP looks to adopt the same approach here.

If the BJP government is not voted out, India, as a country, will be finished. Mr. Modi wants to stay in power and talks about 2047 as if India is his own creation. The BJP’s victory will drive the last nail in the coffin for Indian democracy.

Do you think that the INDIA bloc will win seats in the north and central regions of the country?

What was the strength of the BJP when they won in 2014? What was their strength in 2019 and who were all the coalition partners of the NDA? Where are they now? We want to make a scientific analysis. 

Let us take Kashmir. The Supreme Court, while hearing the case on abrogation of Article 370, wanted to know when the election to the Kashmir Assembly would be held. The Attorney General gave an evasive answer. Now the general election has been declared. Why have they [the BJP] not come forward to conduct elections in Kashmir? In Punjab, the BJP cannot think of winning. It has no alliance with the Shiromani Akali Dal. The government there is headed by the Aam Admi Party (AAP).

Delhi is also under the AAP rule. In Haryana, they formed a government by bringing together those who opposed them. Himachal Pradesh is not with the BJP. Uttarakhand may be there. Chhattisgarh is no longer the BJP’s turf. In West Bengal, the BJP tried to win, in vain. Ms. Banerjee may not have joined hands with the Congress. But she is not a part of the BJP coalition either.

In the northeast, the BJP has accepted defeat. Our Prime Minister has not visited Manipur despite his claims that the whole of India was his family. In Bihar, the BJP played games, using JD (United) leader Nitish Kumar as a pawn. But they will be counterproductive. The Congress and the Rastriya Janata Dal have come together. In UP, the BJP was hoping Akhilesh Yadav’s party and the Congress would be at loggerheads, but that has been disproved. I need not explain the situation in the southern states. When it was all powerful, the NDA could poll only 37% of the votes. In 2014, there was a hope among the youth that Mr. Modi was an instrument of change. Now unemployment has soared and the inflation is haunting. The way the Prime Minister and the BJP are debating in Parliament, is watched by everybody. He has not answered a single question. A total of 146 MPs were suspended from both the Houses of Parliament and it was unprecedented.

Allowing lateral entry for candidates from the private sector in the civil services, the government has paved the way for privatisation of the executive. Pick and choose is followed for appointments in the judiciary.

But Mamata Banerjee has not joined the INDIA coalition…

She may not have joined hands with the Congress. But she is not part of the BJP coalition. She is hesitant to join the Congress, because of local political conditions, which differ from state to state. She thinks if she accommodates the Congress, because of the long history, she may lose seats. She is particular that the BJP should not be the winner. There is no guarantee that the BJP will get more than last time.

The INDIA Bloc lacks a charismatic prime ministerial candidate...

The question was well answered in the 1977 election, held after the Emergency. When there is a political crisis, people don’t about leadership. Our voters are very intelligent. The 1977 situation is going to repeat unless some meddling happens through the Election Commission, because it has lost its credibility especially after the recent appointment of two Commissioners and the sudden resignation of one Commissioner. No leader is permanent in India. In 1971, two political giants – C. Rajagopalachari and K. Kamaraj – had joined hands against the DMK in Tamil Nadu. The powerful leader, C.N. Annadurai, was no more. Though the DMK had no hope, it won with an unprecedented 180 seats.

If your argument is true, how could the BJP lose elections in Karnataka and Telangana?

Let me give one more example. In 1971, two giant leaders–Rajaji and Kamaraj–joined hands against the DMK in Tamil Nadu. The powerful leader Anna was no more. They thought Karunanidhi was an ordinary person. The election was held against the backdrop of the procession conducted by Periyar (E V Ramasamy) in which Rama and Seetha were carried with garland of chappals. Even the DMK lost hope and was blaming us. The Congress was ready with a list of cabinet members to be headed by Mr R. Venkataraman as the Chief Minister. But when the ballot boxes were opened, the DMK handily won with an unprecedented 180 seats.

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