In an incident in Tamil Nadu earlier this month, a Dalit school student, Chinnadurai, was attacked by three students wielding a machete. His sister was also attacked when she tried to intervene. Dalits continue to face violence in some form or the other across India every day. However, the incident, which took place on August 9, in Nanguneri in Tirunelveli district, shocked the State as the perpetrators were school students, who belong to the numerically dominant community in that region.
Earlier too, there have been similar incidents in the State where Dalit students have been attacked — Muruganandam and Pradeep, from Cheranmahadevi, on August 4; Hariprasad of Kazhugumalai, on August 14, and a case on a bus near Karur on August 28. The perpetrators were either students or youth aged between 16 and 25 years. It is common knowledge that many students, particularly in rural Tamil Nadu, wear specific colour bands on their wrist as a mark of caste identification. In a State that has a history of caste violence against Dalits since Independence, the latest incidence is cause for worry. These incidents must not be seen in isolation. There are many factors such as a mushrooming of caste organisations that run high on caste pride, a near total absence of anti-caste activism within the powerful Other Backward Classes (OBC) by social and political organisations, and even the feeble response from non-Dalit intellectuals.
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Caste pride
Today, the primary role of the caste organisations, most often patronised by youngsters, is to create exaggerated caste-specific symbolisms. These organisations typically portray Dalits and their development as a threat to their interests of their community. By organising ‘guru poojas’, every caste has found a social icon around which to rally. It is not far-fetched to imagine that the youngsters behind the violent incidents mentioned above were influenced by this. In the past three decades, every government and other political parties have not only allowed but also fully participated in the celebration of these caste icons.
After the arson and violence against Dalits in Dharmapuri in 2012, orchestrated to separate an inter-caste couple, several caste organisations began to openly oppose inter-caste marriages. For instance, the Pattali Makkal Katchi, which represents the Vanniyar community in Tamil Nadu’s northern and western districts, rallied non-Dalit organisations against the Dalit community in 2014. Though it petered out, it was a development that reflects the changes within Tamil society.
In 2015, Dheeran Chinnamalai Peravai leader Yuvaraj and his accomplices killed a Dalit student, Gokulraj, for speaking to a caste-Hindu girl. In 2016, a Dalit youth, Sankar, was killed in Udumalaipettai for marrying an OBC girl. Former Tamil Nadu Deputy Chief Minister O. Panneerselvam even denied instances of caste-based honour killings in Tamil Nadu on the floor of the Assembly in 2015 when there was a demand for a special law against it. This reality, much like the rest of India, is in stark contrast to the halo that exists around Tamil Nadu outside the State.
The political factor
The Dravidian parties — the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam and the All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam — and all national parties have a presence in the State. While it is true that these parties, except the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), do not directly support these caste organisations, the ruling parties seldom speak against them or take action when there are transgressions committed by these organisations. This is because these political parties are dependent on the vote bank of the numerically dominant OBC communities; there is political competition to appease them. The political parties, which see no contradiction with these caste-organisations, are quick to form an electoral alliance with them if they manage to mobilise their communities.
After opposing the hegemony of Brahmins and pursuing the politics of anti-Brahminism, the Dravidian movement did not do much to oppose the dominance of powerful OBC communities or speak about these issues vociferously. It is only Dalit and Left organisations and individuals that are spotlighting the extent of the violence that Dalits face. Violence against Dalits by powerful OBC communities is not a new phenomenon either. Pandit Iyothee Thass’s Thamizhan newspaper reported many such incidents in the early 20th century.
Why are Dalits facing violence in a State ruled by political parties that boast of promoting social justice? Why did not anti-Brahmin politics transform itself into anti-caste politics? What is the connection between social changes that have taken place so far and the situation now in Tamil Nadu? There has been no research, no debate or political narratives to explain this emergent phenomenon.
Another worrying development is the rise of the BJP in Tamil Nadu. BJP-led Hindutva politics, as in other places, pampers the caste pride of powerful Brahmin and non-Brahmin caste organisations. There is open support for caste-based outfits and encouragement to castes to reclaim their past based on myths. Such myths only reinforce caste consciousness in the minds of upper caste students. BJP State Unit President K. Annamalai, on a ‘yatra’ across Tamil Nadu, did not speak about the violence while he went to Nanguneri.
Public intellectuals rarely speak about these problems in Tamil Nadu today. If Dalits flag the violence and discrimination, Brahmins are portrayed to be the common enemy and the voices of Dalits disregarded and suppressed. In Tamil Nadu, Dalits have historically been at the forefront and continue to be ideological opponents of Brahminism. It is true that Brahminical hegemony exists and should be opposed. However, does that mean that the issues faced by Dalits should not be discussed and debated in a transparent manner?
Ushering in reform
Rather than suppress the Dalit critique, social and political organisations must acknowledge that there is urgent need to address the issue of violence against Dalits in the State. They must discourage the formation of caste-based organisations, and delegitimise existing caste organisations. Governments must stop participating in ‘guru poojas’ and establishing memorials for caste leaders. Importantly, the idea of equality should be propagated earnestly in schools, colleges and workplaces. In schools and colleges, monitoring committees that involve teachers and parents must be set up to handle discrimination. The police must be held accountable where there is lax investigation and in bringing the perpetrators of violence against Dalits to justice.
The Dravidian movement stands for social justice. The criticism of Dalit activists, political parties and intellectuals is not to negate the achievements of the movement on the social justice front in the last 100 years, but only to point out the chasm between its lofty ideals and the situation on ground in an effort to correct its course in the pursuit of inclusive social justice.
Stalin Rajangam is a historian and writer. A.B. Rajasekaran is an advocate
