In the context of the ongoing moves on the Lokpal Bill issue, it has to be noted that a resolution of either House of Parliament, even when it is passed by a division, has limitations with regard to implementation by government.
There are three types of resolutions: one is the kind that, when passed, the government will have to implement statutorily; the second type can control the procedure of the House; the third type may be an expression of the opinion of the House.
For instance, when a Bill on appropriation of grants is passed by the Lok Sabha and considered by the Rajya Sabha, it gives statutory authority to the government to withdraw amounts from the Consolidated Fund to meet the specific purpose for which Parliament makes the grant.
Article 123 of the Constitution provides that if both Houses pass a resolution disapproving an Ordinance promulgated by the President, it shall be mandatory to cease to operate it. Under Article 356, the Proclamation of President's Rule issued for a State should be approved by Parliament through a resolution; otherwise it will cease to operate. Resolutions moved by private members are generally meant to express an opinion; even if passed it is not mandatory that the government implements it.
About the impact of a resolution passed by the UK Parliament, Erskine May states: “Every question, when agreed to, assumes the form of either an order or a resolution of the House… By its resolution, the House declares its own opinions and purposes.”
In Law of the Constitution , Dicey says: “On this basis, the resolutions of a House may be divided into the following three categories: (1) Resolutions which have statutory effect, (2) Resolutions which the House passes to control its own proceedings and (3) Resolutions which are mere expressions of opinion by the House.”
Rule 171 of Lok Sabha: A resolution may be in the form of a declaration of opinion, or a recommendation; or may be in the form so as to record either approval or disapproval by the House of an act or policy of government, or convey a message; or commend, urge or request an action; or call attention to a matter or situation for consideration by government; or in such other form as the Speaker may consider appropriate.
Practice and Procedure of Parliament by Kaul & Shakdher states: “Resolutions may be broadly divided into three categories:
“Resolutions which are mere expression of opinion of the House: Since the purpose of such a resolution is merely to obtain an expression of opinion of the House, the Government is not bound, as convention has it, to give effect to opinions expressed in these resolutions. It entirely rests on the discretion of the Government whether or not to take action suggested in such resolutions.
“Resolutions which have statutory effect: The notice of a statutory resolution is given in pursuance of a provision in the Constitution or an act of Parliament. Such a resolution, if adopted, is binding on the Government and has the force of law.
“Resolutions which the House passes in the matter of control over its own procedure: The House by such a resolution evolves sometimes its own procedure to meet a situation not specifically provided for its Rules. It has the force of law, but its validity cannot be questioned in a court of law.”
In Parliament , Ivor Jennings writes: “Private Members' Motions then are part of the technique of propaganda. They enable the opinion of the House to be taken. The ‘opinion' need not be representative for the attendance may be small.”
On August 10, 1978, N.K.P. Salve moved a motion in the Rajya Sabha for the appointment of two Commissions of Inquiry to look into corruption charges against the family members of the Prime Minister and the former Home Minister. This writer opposed it, for under the Commissions of Inquiry Act a motion passed by the Lok Sabha has statutory effect, and the government has to implement it. A motion passed in the Rajya Sabha was only a recommendation to be considered by the government at its discretion. However, the Rajya Sabha adopted the motion 104 to 78.
Over the next few days, the Opposition demanded the early appointment of a House committee or the Commissions of Inquiry. The Rajya Sabha Chairman asked this writer for a note, which was submitted on August 12. On August 17, Chairman B.D. Jatti gave his ruling: “Two courses, therefore, seem to be open to the government, namely, either they should seek the guidance and advice from a committee of the members of Rajya Sabha, or forthwith appoint two separate Commissions of Inquiry. I am of the opinion that in terms of the Motion, the question of appointment of a Committee by me would depend on the indication from the Government as to which one of the two alternatives in the Motion is acceptable to the government.”
L.K. Advani, the Leader of the Rajya Sabha, accepted the ruling and promised that the government would carefully consider the recommendations of the motion. There the matter ended.
Regarding a statute for the establishment of the Lokpal, the government prepared on August 4, 2011 ‘The Lok Pal Bill, 2011' according to the Rules of Procedure and practices, and along with the President's Recommendation under Article 117(1) and (3). This Bill was referred to the Parliamentary Standing Committee on August 8; it was required to send its report in three months. The committee advertised on August 20 inviting views/suggestions within 15 days. These have to be sent by September 4, and the committee may examine them and submit a report by November 3.
However, the agitation by Anna Hazare and the civil society team has created an urgent and critical situation. It may not be possible for the government to send on the Jan Lokpal bill or the bills propounded by others. Unless the government has made clear and satisfactory decisions on the points raised by the civil society team, the situation could go out of control.
Of the 10 Lokpal Bills introduced so far at the Centre, five were by Congress governments and the rest by non-Congress governments. The major difference among them was the exclusion of the Prime Minister by the former and the inclusion by the latter in the ambit of the Lokpal Bill. But none of them demands a constitutional amendment for the establishment of a Lokpal. A constitution amendment may require still more time; the legislatures of not less than half the States would have to ratify it, as required under the Article 368(2). This will take months.
Karnataka example
If there is a will, there is a way to enact an effective Lokpal Act even under the statutory procedures available. The Karnataka Lokayukta Act of 1985 enacted by the Ramakrishna Hegde government provided for a Lokayukta to investigate and report on allegations or grievances relating to the conduct of public servants including the Chief Minister; Ministers and members of the legislature; all officers of the State government; chairman, vice-chairman of local authorities, statutory bodies or corporations established by or under any law of the State legislature, including cooperative societies, persons in the service of local authorities, corporations owned or controlled by the State government, a company in which not less than 50 per cent of the shares are held by the State government, societies registered under the State Registration Act, cooperative societies and universities established by or under any law of the legislature.
Where, after investigation into a complaint, the Lokayukta considers that the allegation against a public servant is prima facie true and makes a declaration to that effect, and the declaration is accepted by the competent authority, the public servant concerned, if he is a Chief Minister or a Minister or a member of State legislature, shall resign his office. If he is any other non-official, he shall be deemed to have vacated his office, and, if an official, shall be deemed to be under suspension, from the date of acceptance of the declaration.
If, after investigation, the Lokayukta is satisfied that the public servant has committed a criminal offence, he may initiate prosecution without reference to any other authority. Any prior sanction required under any law shall be deemed to have been granted.
Any effective government in a functioning democracy worth its name should anticipate a problem before it becomes a crisis and solve a crisis before it lands the government and the country in a catastrophe.
(The author is an eminent parliamentarian.)
