Is India's diaspora policy a double-edged sword?

India needs to develop a coherent and strong diaspora strategy that includes strategic evacuation operations.

January 09, 2017 04:28 pm | Updated 04:36 pm IST

Prime Minister Narendra Modi speaks during the 15th edition of Pravasi Bharatiya Divas, an annual gathering of the Indian diaspora in Bangalore, on Sunday, January 8, 2017. | AP

Prime Minister Narendra Modi speaks during the 15th edition of Pravasi Bharatiya Divas, an annual gathering of the Indian diaspora in Bangalore, on Sunday, January 8, 2017. | AP

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As Bangalore plays host the 15 th edition of the Pravasi Bharatiya Diwas (PBD) from January 7-9, it is interesting to ponder over how a strong Indian diaspora policy has evolved over a period of time and what major challenges can be expected in the future.

 

 The theme for 2017 — “Refined Engagement with Indian Diaspora” — says it all. According to eminent diaspora scholar Latha Varadarajan, a PhD in political science, the Nehruvian model of engagement with the Indian diaspora involved having them eschew any strong bond with India and to completely merge with local culture. The present Indian government, judging by its actions, is in direct contrast with this line of thought.

 

Source: Oxford University Press

Latha Varadarajan's book links the field of International Relations to issues of transnationalism, nation-state identity and capitalism; examines the new phenomenon of the "domestic abroad" or "global nations"; and looks at the changing relationship between the Indian state and its diaspora.

Varadarajan says the production of new diasporic flows cannot be understood merely in terms of the economic logic of state actions; we must move beyond purely economic issues like remittances and balance of payments and come to terms with the underlying alignment of social forces and the class struggles between the bourgeoisie and other classes.

The implication of Nehru’s views was that the diaspora could not expect India to fight for their rights and therefore India’s foreign policy was accordingly structured as a model of non-interference whenever the emigrant Indians got into trouble in Sri Lanka, Myanmar, etc. This naturally reflected the ethos of post-colonial independent India that was trying to make its presence felt in the international politics of Cold War era. With India’s rising economic power and military might, things have changed drastically. This has become further accentuated due to the high remittances that Indian diaspora contribute. At $69 billion, India was the recipient of the highest NRI contributions in 2015. India’s non-alignment posture also precluded it from taking any sides in conflict zones. But since 1990, India has been engaged in major evacuations of Indians from conflict zones, the highlight being the Yemen rescue in 2015.

Under the Modi government, proactive outreach towards the diaspora has reached heights not seen before. From Madison Square to Sydney, Suva to Dubai, his words have echoed a singular sentiment. The colour of the passport does not matter. The only thing that is relevant is whether a person is Indian or not. That is enough for him to get help from the Indian government. Moreover, the merger of Person of Indian Origin (PIO) and Overseas Citizen of India (OCI) cards has brought the relationship closer.

Such a politically charged policy has huge implications on domestic as well as foreign policy. Why foreign policy? Because assuring the Indian diaspora of help in all circumstances could become a double-edged sword. In the U.S., which is known as the land of immigrants, Indians have acquired a sizeable financial and political clout. Even amid rising nationalist fervour demonstrated by Trump’s elections, India can take it easy as long as the going is good. What if the U.S. hits another recession that leads to large-scale loss of jobs? Logic dictates that in such a surcharged atmosphere, the politicians will naturally play to the local interests. Will the Indian government stand by its word and make provisions for them in their home country? Won’t it have severe implications on the existing capacity that is already under strain? Worse still, there is a need for a strategic diaspora evacuation policy from conflict zones in a world where crises materialise without warnings and give very little reaction time for governments.

Constantino Xavier of Carnegie India contends that in the event of lack of standard of operating procedures, evacuations could prove extremely difficult in spite of past successes. He goes on to say that countries such as Australia, the UK, the U.S., etc. have comprehensive policies on this and India needs to develop doctrines for the same. The Indian maritime and air force doctrines do talk about non-combatant evacuation operations (NEO) using ships and heavy-lift aircraft like the C-17 Globemaster.

 

To compare India with the U.S. and the UK whose diaspora numbers are comparitively much lesser (the Indian diaspora is about 28-million-strong — 16 million non-resident Indians and 12 million permanent residents abroad) could be ludicrous at best. Needless to say, at about $600 billion, the U.S. military spending is the highest (there are 14 countries in the list) in the world that gives it a natural muscle for such large-scale interventions.

Even if the above is not an ‘apple-to-apple’ comparison of capacities, the extremely strong outreach by the government and the shrill nationalistic rhetoric has resulted in very high expectations of the Indian diaspora from the government of the day — whether the BJP or some other administration.

What if the U.S. hits another recession that leads to large-scale loss of jobs for Indians? Will the Indian government stand by its word and make provisions for them in their home country? Won’t it have severe implications on the existing capacity that is already under strain?

 

While conducting diaspora operations, does the financial muscle of play a role? Norm says it shouldn’t, but practical experience indicates otherwise. According to Ambassador K.P. Fabian, who was in charge of operations of the largest airlift of Indian expatriates from Kuwait in 1990, well-off and high-profile Indians were eager to board the aircraft ahead of women and children. A humanitarian rescue mission therefore, as a policy, cannot discriminate between a rich businessman or technology professional and an unskilled worker. The issue becomes further complicated if the diplomatic mission is tasked to decide between an Indian citizen and a PIO.

The present capacity is extremely inadequate if India were to attempt a mass evacuation due to the conflict situation from say Saudi Arabia where about 3 million Indians work . A crisis in Saudi Arabia in July 2016 saw Indian workers directly reaching out to External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj for help. In all probability, plans must have been made to get them out in an emergency. How far it could have been successful cannot be said. But one thing is certain — there is an urgent need for a coherent government policy on the diaspora with a special emphasis on capacity development along with a doctrine for evacuation operations.

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