The Assembly election in 2001 saw a new trend in Tamil Nadu. Besides the Pattali Makkal Katchi (PMK) and the two Dalit parties, the Puthiya Tamizhagam and the Viduthalai Chiruthigal Katchi (earlier called DPI), several caste outfits “masquerading” as political parties, came to be accorded recognition by the mainstream parties.
Ten years down the line, only the PMK and VCK, which have emerged as a major force in the northern parts of Tamil Nadu, have been able to retain their clout, while the others have either lost their sheen or merged with one major political party or other.
Makkal Tamil Desam, launched by former AIADMK minister R.S. Rajakannappan, seeking to represent the Yadavas, merged with the DMK before going back to the AIADMK. The fate of Thamizhar Bhoomi, aimed at mobilising the Mutharaiyars, is no different. The founder of the party, Ku.Pa. Krishnan, is now contesting as an AIADMK candidate. The New Justice Party of A.C. Shanmugam is also no longer in the picture.
Even Dr. Krishnasamy's Puthiya Tamizhagam, considered trend-setting in Dalit assertion, which got 10 seats from the DMK in the 2001 election, has now been forced to content itself with just two seats in the AIADMK front. This is a big comedown for the party representing Pallars, a militant, land-holding and better educated section of the Dalits. Not just the seats, even aligning itself with the AIADMK should be galling for Dr. Krishnasamy. He had in the past accused the AIADMK of promoting the interests of Thevars with whom the Pallars have locked horns in the southern districts for long.
On the flip side, some new outfits, such as the Kongu Nadu Munnetra Kazhagam (KNMK), seeking to represent the interests of Goundars, have emerged. The KNMK has been allotted seven seats in the DMK alliance.
All these parties have been inspired by the success of the Pattali Makkal Katchi (PMK), which had its roots in the Vanniyar Sangam. But they could not replicate the PMK's success.
The struggle for Most Backward Class (MBC) status was a unifying theme for the Vanniyars, and Dr. Ramadoss was able to build a political party following his success in securing 20 per cent reservation for MBCs. Being the single largest MBC group, this reservation benefited the Vanniyars most. The geographical contiguity of Vanniyar settlements also made it possible for the PMK to emerge as a significant force. It has been able to bounce back from the debacle of 2009 when it lost all the seven Lok Sabha seats it contested, because of its inherent clout. “We have not confined ourselves only to the question of reservation. We are also raising our voice for reservation in private sector and highlighting other issues including political empowerment of Vanniyars,” Dr. Ramadoss notes.
J. Jeyaranjan, Director, Institute of Development Alternatives, points out that when the scope for job opportunities is more in the private sector than in the public, mobilising people on communal lines to reap the benefits of government jobs was no longer possible.
Besides in this era of neo-liberalisation, caste-politics might appeal to men as they seek political clout, whereas women are keener on the economic aspect.
“Micro financing institutions, self-help groups and schemes like the National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (NREGS) are paving the way for economic empowerment of women, and so they want the continuance of the scheme whichever party is in power,” Dr. Jeyaranjan says.
He however, feels political mobilisation of Dalits will continue because as a community “they have miles to go before availing themselves of the opportunities in any sector, public or private.”
“Dalits need state intervention to improve their lot and the pressure towards achieving could be mounted only though political mobilisation,” he says.
Nadars, a powerful and enterprising community, have also eluded mobilisation on communal lines. A majority of them voted for the Congress during late Chief Minister K. Kamaraj's time but later switched their allegiance to the Dravidian parties.
Former IAS officer M.G. Devasahayam says it is difficult to mobilise an economically and socially empowered community like Nadars.
“Basically it is a community with individualistic traits. A party with Nadars as a key vote-bank is unlikely to materialise in the near future.”
