Sinn Fein leader Gerry Adams was in police custody for a third day on Friday as detectives questioned him over his alleged role in the Irish Republican Army killing of a Belfast mother of 10 in 1972.
Under the British anti-terrorist law, Mr. Adams (65) must be charged or released by Friday night, unless a judge approves an extension. Other senior figures in Mr. Adams’ Irish nationalist party have accused those behind Wednesday’s arrest of their leader of pursuing an anti-Sinn Fein agenda.
Mr. Adams, who as Sinn Fein chief since 1983 is Europe’s longest-serving party leader, denies any role in the outlawed IRA. But former members who spoke on tape to a Boston College-commissioned research project have linked him to the abduction, slaying and secret burial of Jean McConville, a 38-year-old widow whom the IRA branded a British spy.
The daughter who has led a two-decade campaign for the truth says she’s praying for a murder charge and is prepared to name publicly those IRA members she believes are responsible. Her other siblings say they’re too afraid to do this because it could inspire IRA attacks on themselves or their children.
“What are they going to do to me? They have done so much to me in the last 42 years. Are they going to come and put a bullet in my head? Well, they know where I live,” Helen McKendry told the BBC Newsnight program.
Ms. McKendry, alongside her husband Seamus, launched an often-lonely protest campaign in 1995 against Mr. Adams’ denial of IRA involvement in the slaying. Ms. McKendry, who was 15 when her mother was abducted, said she found it hard to believe Mr. Adams was finally in custody and facing police questions.
Northern Ireland has met news of Mr. Adams’ arrest with a mixture of resignation and cynicism. The consensus from fans and foes alike is that he is too important a figure in the peace process to go to jail, and he’s never going to talk honestly about his past command positions in the Provisional IRA — the dominant IRA faction that formally renounced violence in 2005.
The underground army killed nearly 1,800 people including scores of Catholic civilians and IRA members branded spies and informers before calling a 1997 cease-fire so Sinn Fein could pursue peace with Britain and Northern Ireland’s Protestant majority.
Two decades ago, Mr. Adams initially insisted in brief face-to-face meetings with the McKendrys that the IRA was not involved. Finally in 1999, the IRA admitted responsibility for the slayings of nine long-vanished civilians and IRA members, including McConville, and offered to pinpoint her unmarked grave on a beach 100km south of Belfast in the Republic of Ireland.
That effort failed despite extensive digging. Then in 2003, a dog walker stumbled across her skeletal remains, with its bullet-shattered skull, protruding from a bluff above a different beach.
The police investigation of the McConville killing has accelerated since detectives last year received a potential treasure trove of taped interviews with IRA veterans recorded in a Boston College-commissioned oral history project. While the IRA members spoke candidly on condition the audiotapes remained under lock and key until their deaths, the Northern Ireland police sued for access to all of them after one of the interviewees, Brendan Hughes, died and his accusations against Mr. Adams were published and broadcast in 2010.
Boston College successfully fought to limit the handover to 11 interviews that explicitly mention the McConville killing. It isn’t known whether any others back Hughes’ central accusation that Mr. Adams ordered McConville’s body dumped in an unmarked grave rather than put on public display in Belfast, as other IRA leaders wanted.
Sinn Fein, the major Irish nationalist party in Northern Ireland, has accused Protestant leaders of pressuring police to arrest Mr. Adams now to undermine Sinn Fein before elections this month in both Northern Ireland and the Irish Republic, where Adams leads Sinn Fein in the Irish parliament.
But First Minister Peter Robinson, the Protestant who leads Northern Ireland’s government alongside Sinn Fein deputy leader Martin McGuinness, called Mr. Adams’ arrest an overdue act of political accountability. He suggested Mr. McGuinness should face the same criminal scrutiny.
Mr. Robinson said the arrest “strengthens our political process in Northern Ireland for people to know that no one is above the law.”
Mr. Robinson appealed to McConville’s children to tell police the identities of the IRA members who stormed into their home in the Divis Flats welfare housing project just before Christmas 1972. He said Sinn Fein should encourage them to come forward, free from fear of IRA retaliation.
Ms. McKendry was not at home when her mother was abducted. Most of her younger siblings were. Her brother Michael, who was 11 at the time, recalled screaming children clinging to their mother’s legs as IRA members pulled her, tearful and wailing in fear, out the door.
To this day, Michael McConville said, he sees some of these IRA veterans walking down the street in Belfast. And to this day, he fears testifying against them.
“I do know the names of the people. I wouldn’t tell the police,” he told the AP at a victims’ support centre in Belfast. “I knew the ones that hadn’t got masks on, they were neighbours from the area. ... But everybody tells you the IRA’s gone away. They haven’t. They’re still our neighbours, and we’re still afraid of them.”
When asked whether he would accept a Sinn Fein guarantee that no IRA member would shoot him, his wife or his children, he said he couldn’t trust them.
“There’s different ways of killing people. You could be crossing the road and get knocked down,” he said. “They weren’t accountable when they killed my mother. They could kill me, or one of my loved ones, and never admit it all over again.”
