Lessons from the Chinese veto

April 08, 2016 01:54 am | Updated November 17, 2021 04:47 am IST

The Centre’s protests over China’s move to block India’s attempt at the United Nations to >ban Jaish-e-Mohammed chief Masood Azhar is understandable. After all, it was Azhar along with Lashkar-e-Taiba chief Hafiz Saeed that provided the leadership for most of the terror attacks launched from Pakistan on India. Even if China awaits evidence of Azhar’s role in the Pathankot attacks, it cannot be unaware of his long association with terrorist activity, including the 2001 Parliament assault. Also, it is impossible to ignore the fact that IC-814 was hijacked and hundreds of innocent lives were endangered only in order to secure his release. Azhar is the undisputed leader of the JeM, which has been proscribed by the UN for its links with the Taliban and al-Qaeda, and it is only logical that he also comes under the ban. Despite China’s repeated assurances of standing firm on the issue of terrorism at the bilateral level as well as at multilateral fora such as BRICS and RIC, it has let India down time and again in the past two years. Since September 2014, when President Xi Jinping visited India, China has blocked India five times. For instance, India’s resolutions to have >Syed Salahuddin and Azhar added to the list of proscribed terrorists were opposed. So was the >call for action against Pakistan for violating the ban on Saeed and Zakiur Rehman Lakhvi. So, while the strong Indian reaction is justified, it is unlikely that the government is surprised by it. The takeaway must be that India rethinks its moves to isolate Azhar and other Pakistan-based terrorists with more effective results.

Much of the problem, as the government’s statement itself acknowledges, stems from the insistence of the United Nations Security Committee on Terrorism on “unanimity” and “anonymity” for all decisions on listing terror entities, which allows China to overrule India’s efforts with a “technical hold”. It is no secret that while India-China business and people-to-people ties have improved over the past few years, the security relationship has flagged. A series of border incursions by Chinese troops, followed by India’s forging maritime military ties with the U.S. for coordination in the South China Sea, have increased distrust between New Delhi and Beijing, which has widened due to lack of meetings at the designated Special Envoy level for more than a year. Added to this is China’s renewed closeness to Pakistan, and growing interests in the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor, making it more difficult for Beijing to hold Pakistan accountable on tricky issues such as terror. The answer is clear: India must show that terror is not a zero-sum game and that it is willing to work with every world power in order to isolate the terrorists that continue to threaten its people. Airing of frustration is one thing, but what is really required is deft diplomacy behind the scenes and a continued engagement with Beijing. Both countries after all have a shared concern about terror, with China having its own problem in Xinjiang.

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