(This is the latest edition of the Political Line newsletter curated by Varghese K. George. The Political Line newsletter is India’s political landscape explained every week. You can subscribe here to get the newsletter in your inbox every Friday.)
The turmoil in Bangladesh could test India-U.S. relations at a time when heightened nationalism in both countries has already reduced mutual trust. India-U.S. strategic ties used to be described as a case of ‘convergence in the east and divergence in the west’. The suggestion was that India and the U.S. thought on similar lines about China and the Indo-Pacific, but Washington was not adequately appreciative about India’s concerns in Pakistan, Afghanistan, and Iran. With the U.S. cheering on the overthrow of the Sheikh Hasina government in Dhaka, and the ascendancy of Islamist forces in the country, which the U.S. is not exactly disapproving, the notion of convergence between India and the U.S. in the east is seriously challenged. The U.S. strategy in India’s neighbourhood is not reassuring for India. If not promoting, it is at least tolerating actors that are against India’s interest.
The BJP’s Hindutva strategic doctrine makes religious identity the basis of national identity. It is very curious to see a section of BJP supporters, who back majoritarianism within India, vehemently arguing for minority rights in the U.S. and Bangladesh. Religion, or ethnicity, is already a major feature of selfhood and state policy all around India’s neighbourhood — Iran, Afghanistan, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, and Myanmar. Bangladesh has a chequered history of state-religion ties — Islam is recognised as the official religion, but its Constitution also states that “the State shall ensure equal status and equal right in the practice of Hindu, Buddhist, Christian and other religions”. As it has happened in most Islamic countries, where popular uprisings overthrew regimes, Bangladesh could also face the threat of violent majoritarianism.
The China bhai?
Both India and the U.S. have in the recent past tried to enforce restrictions on trade with China. However, it may not be going the way it was planned, according to serious analyses in both countries. The Indian Economic Survey and a report of the U.S. Federal Reserve indicated this in recent weeks. “As such, they may impose collateral damage on the same domestic firms creating the valuable technologies that the U.S. government is trying to protect,” said a report of the U.S. Fed recently.
“To boost Indian manufacturing and plug India into the global supply chain, it is inevitable India plugs itself into China’s supply chain,” said the Economic Survey. Big business of India wants restrictions in trade with China to go — this is comparable to the situation in the U.S., where many companies are worried about the impact of restrictions on trade with China. Who are the players that want India and China to have better economic ties? Count Adani and Ambani in. Here is an interesting piece on that question:
Federalism Tract - Notes on Indian Diversity
United in confusion: BJP, Cong. on sub-categories
The BJP and the Congress are opposed to the implementation of the ‘creamy layer’ principle for SC/ST quotas, and both parties are also caught in a limbo over the question of sub-categories. The ‘creamy layer’ question is easier to take a stand on; that was an issue that the Supreme Court strayed into while the question before it was about sub-categories. Now that the Supreme Court has allowed States to make sub-categories, both national parties will face multiple demands in this regard.
Taking in people from Bangladesh
The BJP has supported accepting persecuted religious minorities from Bangladesh, but it is currently caught in a fix. Many of its fellow travellers want Hindus from Bangladesh welcomed into India, but some Chief Ministers of States bordering Bangladesh are not in favour of the move.
Meanwhile, changes in the Citizenship (Amendment) Act (CAA) rules will reduce the burden of documentation for people who are seeking Indian citizenship under it.
Karnataka: Governor vs State
The Congress government in Karnataka is resisting the BJP-appointed Governor’s pressure tactics over corruption allegations against Chief Minister Siddaramaiah.
U.P. against conversion
Uttar Pradesh’s BJP government has made an existing law against religious conversion even more stringent.
Listing the reasons
The Supreme Court on August 5 gave the West Bengal government an “opportunity” to justify the reason for including 77 castes, largely Muslim communities, in the State’s Other Backward Classes (OBC) List.
Minister of division
Assam Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma said a new domicile policy would be implemented to make only those born in the State eligible for government jobs. He also said a policy would be drawn up to make the Chief Minister’s approval mandatory for the transfer of land between Hindus and Muslims.
When the Karnataka government tried to reserve some jobs for natives recently, there was a backlash. Nobody seems to be bothered about Assam’s domicile requirement proposal. It is easy to explain — thousands leave Assam for jobs in other States, and thousands arrive in Karnataka for jobs from other States.
