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The Hindu Explains: The clash within CPI(M) to Kasganj communal clashes

Why is the CPI(M) divided on alliances?

February 03, 2018 07:10 pm | Updated December 01, 2021 12:26 pm IST

Why rule out a tie-up?

Since the rise of the BJP as a strong national party that is in power at the Centre and in two-thirds of the States, the debate in the CPI(M) has been over political tactics in opposition to the BJP.

There is agreement within the CPI(M) that the BJP is a formidable adversary and the party will focus its energies on ensuring its defeat in the forthcoming elections, besides building independent strength to oppose the government’s policies. But there has been disagreement on how to go about the task — whether it should be on the basis of a broad “united front” of secular parties, including the Congress, or to work out a “left democratic front” that will exclude a pre-poll alliance or an understanding with the Congress.

CPI(M) general secretary Sitaram Yechury is understood to have favoured an electoral understanding with the Congress, but the Polit Bureau and its highest-decision making body, the Central Committee (CC), have endorsed a resolution that rules out any pre-poll alliance or understanding with the Congress.

What are the issues?

The CPI(M), which is more or less a regional force today, is in power in Kerala and Tripura, and is the largest component of the ruling alliances in these States. The BJP has increased its support base, but is still far behind the Congress-led and CPI(M)-led fronts in political strength in Kerala. The CPI(M)’s primary adversary has always been the Congress in Kerala, and there are significant differences in policies between the two parties.

In Tripura, where the CPI(M) has been in power since 1993, the Congress has traditionally been its main rival. Recently, many Congress legislators have shifted allegiance to the BJP, which has also formed a broad alliance with tribal parties in the run-up to the Assembly elections later this month. Despite the shift of many Congress legislators and leaders to the BJP, the rivalry between the CPI(M) and the Congress has defined the politics in the State. It is tactically near impossible to ally with the traditional rival in the two States, hence the opposition to the idea of an understanding with the Congress has come from party representatives in Kerala, in particular. In West Bengal, the entrenchment of the Trinamool Congress as the leading political force and the steady rise of the BJP as its principal Opposition party has led to a section of the CPI(M) to seek an alliance with the Congress (as it had done in the Assembly elections) to shore up its declining support. A large chunk of the 31 CC members, who voted against the Polit Bureau resolution, belong to West Bengal.

Is it an ideological stand?

The CPI(M) has historically identified the Congress as a party that represents the interests of classes inimical to those of the “working classes.” The opposition to the Congress defined the section of the undivided Communist party that split from it and formed the CPI(M) in 1962. The CPI(M) believes that the Congress, which headed three governments at the Centre since 1991, promoted policies that it calls “neoliberal”: privatisation of public sector enterprises, fiscal austerity (reduced government spending), and a steady reorientation of the state to act in the interests of the rich capitalist classes. The CPI(M), as a whole, believes that the BJP is promoting communal politics, besides neo-liberalism, but the majority of the CC rejected any pre-poll understanding with the Congress as they do not see the party moving away from neo-liberalism.

What does it mean for the party?

The CPI(M) is a minor force in most States and the CC resolution indicates that the party will work with other like-minded and regional forces in such States (like Tamil Nadu) to take on the BJP, even if the regional parties have separate alliances with the Congress. The CPI(M) has also not ruled out a post-poll understanding, based on a programme, with parties like the Congress to prevent the BJP from coming to power, if it is in a position to do so. This is similar to what it did in 2004 when the Left Front supported the UPA from outside on the basis of a common minimum programme.

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