Karunanidhi and the shaping of the Dravidian movement

The Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam was crucial to making him; later, it became putty in his hands.

Muthuvel Karunanidhi, former Tamil Nadu Chief Minister and president of the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam.

In many ways, Muthuvel Karunanidhi was both a product and a creator of the Dravidian movement. The Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam that he took over from its founder C.N. Annadurai in 1969 had already made significant ideological departures from the rationalist social reform movement that was the Dravidar Kazhagam.

The atheistic streak of Periyar E.V. Ramasamy had even at that time morphed into a secularism that allowed for a monotheism without the ritualistic trappings of organised religion. The violence and hatred toward the dominant Brahmin caste had turned into a rights-based approach to ending caste hierarchies and social discrimination and to securing educational and job opportunities for non-Brahmins. And the demand for secession was given up soon after the India-China war in 1962.

But with Mr. Karunanidhi, the quintessential Dravidian ideologue, at the helm, the DMK entered a new phase: the party that shaped him would, in turn, be shaped by him.

The DK, and later the DMK, were instrumental in the making of Mr. Karunanidhi, first as a writer and later as a politician. Newspapers, public meetings and theatre and cinema were the means of mass communication for the Dravidian movement. And the young Dravidian activist needed to excel in each medium to work his way up the organisational ladder. His silver tongue and pointed pen came to his aid in building a rapport with party workers and leaders alike.

In pictures: M. Karunanidhi, the five-term Chief Minister

M. Karunanidhi takes oath as Chief Minister at the Raj Bhavan in Madras on February 10, 1969. He was 44 when he took over as Chief Minister after the death of his mentor C.N. Annadurai. Mr. Karunanidhi’s first term lasted till January 4, 1971.

M. Karunanidhi is sworn in as Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu for the second term at the Madras University Auditorium in Madras on March 15, 1971 after the DMK won a record 184 seats in the Assembly elections. Mr. Karunanidhi’s government was dismissed by the Centre on January 31, 1976 over his opposition to Emergency rule.

M. Karunanidhi is sworn in Chief Minister for the third term at Valluvar Kottam in Madras on January 27, 1989. He could become Chief Minister only after his arch rival M.G. Ramachandran’s death. Again, his term was cut short with a dismissal on January 30, 1991.

M. Karunanidhi takes oath as Chief Minister at the Raj Bhavan in Madras on May 13, 1996. His fourth term, which lasted till May 13, 2001 was his first to last the full five years. Photo: DIPR

DMK president M. Karunanidhi is sworn in as Chief Minister in Chennai on May 13, 2006. In his fifth term he headed a minority government supported the Congress. This term too lasted for the full five years till May 15, 2011.

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When Annadurai died in 1969, Mr. Karunanidhi was not the automatic choice as successor. But, with his skills of persuasion and people management, he won the support of large sections of the party. Over the years, he managed to have such a stranglehold on the DMK that even  successive electoral defeats and dynastic politics were not seen as unforgivable negatives. The DMK changed its form, but it did not change its head. Those who questioned him had to leave the party, whether it was M.G. Ramachandran in 1972 or Vaiko in 1993.

Wherever Mr. Karunanidhi went, the DMK was sure to follow. The first significant ideological departure of the regional party, formed in opposition to the centralising nationalist politics of the Congress, was the alliance with the Congress faction of Indira Gandhi, first as the dominant partner in 1971 and then as an equal partner in 1980. The anti-Hindi, anti-north Indian plank was given up in favour of a pragmatic approach to electoral politics. However, to his credit, this did not stop him from opposing the Emergency imposed by Indira Gandhi in 1975. He was quick to see the threat to State autonomy and democratic institutions, and took on the Centre. He paid dearly: his government was dismissed in 1976 on charges of corruption.

But his mistake was not in opposing the Emergency; indeed, that phase in his political career might have endeared him to his partymen and steeled his political resolve. The miscalculation was about the political threat from MGR, a film star he helped create with his screenplays. The writer-intellectual in Mr. Karunanidhi did not deem the actor a rival at all. MGR went on to form a breakaway party, the All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam, which kept the DMK out of power till his death in 1987.

Although Mr. Karunanidhi returned to power in 1989, he could do nothing to dim the aura around the actor-politician, which Jayalalithaa capitalised on to continue to challenge the DMK. Indeed, just as he was initially dismissive of MGR, he underestimated Jayalalithaa who, however, showed remarkable strength and staying power at the head of a rejuvenated AIADMK.

 

Another failing, perhaps born of the same character flaw, was that he fancied himself as a leader of a world community of Tamils. In the 1970s, he was not very supportive of the Sri Lankan Tamil cause, and in the 1980s, when MGR backed the LTTE, he supported outfits such as TULF and TELO. But when he did support the LTTE in the late 1980s, when the Tigers had eliminated other groups, he went overboard and allowed them a free run in Tamil Nadu. The desire to be hailed as the leader of the ‘Tamil race’ led him to be overindulgent toward the LTTE in his third innings as CM in 1989-91. The need to sound supportive of a militant, secessionist organisation in Sri Lanka, while opposing their activities and all fissiparous tendencies in Tamil Nadu, led to conflicting postures.

The dismissal of his government in 1991 for supporting the LTTE did temper his support for the Eelam cause, and he became the object of much derision for failing to persuade the Congress-led government in 2009 to put pressure on the Sri Lankan government to end the war that decimated the Tigers.

Secular ideology

Although he kept the DMK in its secular moorings until political exigencies prompted him to steer a different course in 1999, Mr. Karunanidhi revelled in being ambiguous about his belief in God. “Naannaastikan thaan,” he would say in response to questions on the subject, playing on the words “aastikan” (believer) and “naastikan” (non-believer). Also, he began wearing a yellow shawl, apparently for religious reasons. To an interviewer, he insisted it was on the advice of his doctor. The shawl, yes; but why the never-changing colour of yellow? Mr. Karunanidhi did not offer an answer.

However, he had an acute sense of what his support base wanted: not mumbo-jumbo about gods, but reservation in jobs. In this, he was unwavering, quite unlike MGR, who toyed with the idea of income-based reservation before the electoral reverse in the 1980 Lok Sabha election brought him back to adopting castes and social backwardness as the criteria.

In pictures: M. Karunanidhi — a Titan of Tamil Nadu politics

Karunanidhi was born on June 3, 1924 in Thirukkuvalai as Dakshinamoorthy. He changed his name to Karunanidhi inspired by the rationalist movements that were against the use of gods' names. Photo shows Karunanidhi along with his son M.K. Stalin visiting his childhood home at Thirukkuvalai in Nagapattinam district on October 1, 2009.

Karunanidhi’s political innings began in his teens when he started the Maanavar Mandram or Students’ Club, considered the first-ever student body of the Dravidan movement. Karunanidhi was the founding member of the DMK’s organ Murasoli. He edited the newspaper for over five decades. Photo shows Karunanidhi addressing an election rally at Kulithalai in 1957, the year he was first elected MLA from the Kulithalai constituency. Photo: Special Arrangement

Karunanidhi rose to fame with the Dalmiapuram protest in the 1950s. The agitation was against the renaming of Kallakudi railway station to Dalmiapuram, after the Dalmia Cements set up a factory in the town, then part of the Tiruchirapalli district. File photo shows police personnel at the Kallakudi Palanganatham railway station. Photo: Special Arrangement

Karunanidhi has the distinction of not losing a single Assembly election. He has won 13 times since 1957. Photo shows Karunanidhi taking oath as MLA on May 25, 2016.

Tamil Nadu Governor Sardar Ujjal Singh swears in M. Karunanidhi as Chief Minister at the Raj Bhavan in Madras on February 10, 1969. He went on to become Chief Minister four more times. His government was dismissed twice — in 1976 during the Emergency, and in 1991.

Karunanidhi was closely associated with Tamil theatre. His plays such as “Poompuhar” and “Manthiri Kumari” were later made into films. It was after watching “Thooku Medai”, actor-playwright M.R. Radha conferred the title “Kalaignar” on Karunanidhi. Photo shows a still from the movie “Manthiri Kumari” starring M.G. Ramachandran.

Karunanidhi is known for his association with Tamil cinema. “Parasakthi” and “Manthiri Kumari” scripted by Karunanidhi gave a breakthrough to two legendary Tamil actors Sivaji Ganesan and M.G. Ramachandran (MGR). Photo shows Karunanidhi and MGR during an election campaign.

“Parasakthi”, the film which changed the course of Tamil film industry, gave impetus to the rise of scriptwriter Karunanidhi and actor Sivaji Ganesan. “Parasakthi” has a cult status in Tamil cinema for shifting the focus from music to dialogues. In “Parasakthi”, Karunanidhi’s dialogues questioned social evils, caste hierarchy, and the plight of widows in the society.

Karunanidhi wrote scripts for about 40 movies, the last one being “Ponnar Shankar”, a period drama, released in 2011. Photo shows Karunanidhi with the crew of “Ponnar Shankar”.

Karunanidhi has published over 100 Tamil books — both prose and poetry — including his autobiography “Nenjukku Needhi”; “Tholkappiya Poonga”, an elaborate treatise on Tamil grammar; and “Kuraloviyam”, a commentary on “Thirukkural”. Photo shows former Chief Justice of Gujarat High Court P.R. Gokulakrishnan unveiling the sixth volume of Karunanidhi's memoir “Nenjuku Neethi” in Chennai on December 14, 2013.

Karunanidhi's moves such as legalising self-respect marriages, non-brahmins to become priests in temples, and performing archanai in Tamil faced opposition from orthodox Hindus. Photo shows Karunandhi being presented an award for allowing all caste people to become priests in temple, at a function in Thanjavur.

A self-proclaimed atheist, Karunanidhi penned dialogues for Ramanujar, a Tamil television series on the Vaishnavite saint. Photo shows Karunanidhi with his mentor, former Chief Minister C.N. Annadurai.

If Chief Ministers are hoisting the national flag on August 15, the credit goes to Karunanidhi. He took it up with the then Prime Minister Indira Gandhi in 1974 and subsequently it was decided that Governors would hoist the flag on Republic Day and Chief Ministers on Independence Day. Photo shows Karunanidhi hoisting the national flag on August 15, 2009 at Chennai’s Fort St. George.

Karunanidhi was instrumental in establishing Tamil Nadu as a welfare state. During his term hand-rickshaws were abolished. Photo shows Karunanidhi presenting a cycle-rickshaw to a hand-rickshaw puller. Minister V.R. Nedunchezhian is also seen in the picture.

Universal public distribution system, affordable healthcare, and free spectacles scheme were some of the landmark schemes pioneered by Karunanidhi. He was also subjected to criticism as the freebie schemes were costing the exchequer. Photo shows Karunanidhi distributing Pongal goodies to a ration card holder on January 1, 2011.

Rajaji meets Tami Nadu Chief Minister Karunanidhi at the latter’s residence in Chennai on July 20, 1971, to plead against lifting prohibition. Prohibition was suspended on August 30 that year and sale and consumption of alcohol resumed for the first time in Tamil Nadu post-Independence.

Karunanidhi's infrastructure projects such as Veeranam, the revival of Cooum, and construction of flyovers were marred in corruption allegations. The Sarkaria Commission, in its report, accused Karunanidhi of misusing the CM post. Photo shows Karunanidhi disembark from his specially-designed car on March 30, 2016.

Karunanidhi was arrested in 2001 alleging irregularities in the construction of flyovers during his tenure. The midnight swoop was widely condemned across party lines and was seen as political vendetta as the probe made little headway. Photo shows Karunanidhi, sitting in protest in front of the Central Jail in Chennai on June 30, 2001, after his arrest.

Karunanidhi was criticised for encouraging family rule and nepotism. While son M.K. Stalin has been Deputy Chief Minister, another son M.K. Alagiri, nephew ‘Murasoli' Maran and grand-nephew Dayanidhi Maran have been made Union Ministers. Daughter Kanimozhi is a Rajya Sabha member. Photo shows Karunanidhi celebrating his 89th birthday with his extended family.

In 2009, in the run-up to the defeat of the LTTE, he was accused of not doing enough to stop the war in Sri Lanka. He went on a fast in April demanding that the military operations to wipe out the LTTE be ended, but called it off after some hours, citing an assurance by the Sri Lankan government. However, the operations continued amidst reports of more civilian casualties. Photo shows Karunanidhi during his fast on April 27, 2009.

Karunanidhi was part of national coalitions that formed the government in 1989 (V.P. Singh), 1996 (Deve Gowda and I.K. Gujral), 2004-2014 ( Manmohan Singh). Photo shows leaders from several political parties with Karunanidhi on May 11, 2007 during a function to celebrate his golden jubilee as a member of the Tamil Nadu Legislative Assembly.

A staunch advocate of federalism and fiscal autonomy for States, Karunanidhi appointed the P.V. Rajamannar Commission (in early 1970s), the first such panel to go into Centre-State relations. Photo shows Karunanidhi going through “The Hindu” at his residence.

Karunanidhi enjoyed high esteem among leaders across party lines in the country. Photo shows Prime Minister Narendra Modi visiting Karunanidhi at the latter’s residence on June 11, 2017.

Sri Sathya Saibaba of Puttaparthi calls on Karunanidhi at the latter's residence in Chennai on January 20, 2007.

Karunanidhi never shied away from embracing new technology. He had a personal Twitter handle and a Facebook page.

Karunanidhi stepped out of active politics from late 2016 owing to poor health. In his last years, he was living with a tracheostomy tube and other ailments, which restricted his movement. Photo shows Karunanidhi greeting party workers on his 95th birthday outside his residence in Chennai on June 3, 2018.

DMK leaders (from left) K.A. Mathiazhagan, V.R. Nedunchezhian, M. Karunanidhi, A. Govindaswamy and N.V. Natarajan look on as party founder C.N. Annadurai addresses a meeting in the earlier days of the party. Photo: Special Arrangement

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Even more than the alliance with the Congress, the most radical of the ideological ruptures he made as DMK chief was in entering into an alliance with the BJP in 1999. After having built a support base drawn from the backward classes and the minorities, with rationalism as the underlying political philosophy, Mr. Karunanidhi did the unthinkable by allying with the BJP. True, he did so while he was under pressure from the AIADMK, which had just walked out of the BJP-led government at the Centre for refusing to dismiss his government in the State.

The alliance did not last the course, with Mr. Karunanidihi finding an excuse to pull out of the National Democratic Alliance government just in time for the 2004 Lok Sabha election. But his decision to ally with the BJP was an indication of both his strength and his weakness: he could take his party along with him no matter what he decided, and he was ready for any ideological compromise for the sake of power.

If any further evidence was needed that the DMK had become putty in his hands by this time, it came in the form of his decision to nominate his children and grand-nephew to positions of power. Though his son, M.K. Stalin, had put in years in the organisation, this was not the case with his other son M.K. Alagiri, his daughter Kanimozhi, and his grand-nephew Dayanidhi Maran. Both Alagiri and Maran became Ministers in their first term as Members of Parliament.

The transformation was complete: he began as a man of the party; now, the party was of the man.