The DMK Years could not have come at a better time as September 17, 2024, marks the 75th anniversary of the launch of the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam. The year is important to the DMK for another reason too — the party is observing the centenary celebrations of its leader M. Karunanidhi, known as Kalaignar (1924-2024).
Perarignar C.N. Annadurai (left) and M. Karunanidhi at an event in Madras, in 1961. | Photo Credit: The Hindu archives
The author R. Kannan had already penned biographies of Dravidian icons C.N. Annadurai, the founder of the DMK, and M.G. Ramachandran, founder of the AIADMK, the split away group from the DMK, which continues to pose a challenge. In writing this book, Kannan has made up for the absence of a detailed volume in English about the DMK and how it drew sustenance from the leadership of Karunanidhi. The book also serves as a ready reference to anyone interested in Tamil Nadu politics.
“The attempt here is to tell the story of the last seventy-five years of Tamil Nadu with an emphasis on the DMK. In the process, the colossuses are discussed, and their major moves and decisions are interpreted,” Kannan writes. In the beginning, the DMK was known as the Dravidian Progressive Federation (DPF). Only in 1953, The Hindu coined the acronym DMK, which stuck.
Then Tamil Nadu Chief Minister, M. Karunanidhi, addressing the Assembly at the Secretariat, Madras, on March 17, 1990. | Photo Credit: The Hindu archives
Though the book begins with Chief Minister M.K. Stalin’s eulogy for his father and leader Karunanidhi, Kannan does not seem to suffer from any ambivalence towards his subject. He minces no words while pointing out the failures of the DMK and Karunanidhi even as he highlights the strengths and achievements of the party and its leader. He discusses threadbare the DMK’s political expediency rather than principles in choosing allies, nepotism in the party organisation and government in the wake of the emergence of Udhayanidhi Stalin, and how Senthil Balaji’s joining the DMK from the AIADMK and becoming a minister “epitomises the fall in public life.”
Welfare politics
M. Karunanidhi (left) with C.N. Annadurai. | Photo Credit: The Hindu archives
In the words of the author, Karunanidhi began to command an individual following in the party early on and Anna (Annadurai) increasingly relied on him to deal with intra-party issues. On Anna’s behalf, he negotiated political alliances and, in 1967, stitched together the rainbow alliance that brought the DMK to power that year. The leadership traits helped him succeed Anna as Chief Minister in 1969 and he was the leader of the party for 50 years till he passed away in August, 2018.
Then Chief Minister M. Karunanidhi delivering a speech at the inauguration of the ‘Namakku Naame’ scheme, at Ganapathipalayam village near Erode, on July 13, 1997. | Photo Credit: K. Ananthan
The DMK regime under Karunanidhi laid the foundation for social revolution, pursuing a left-of-centre policy. It nationalised bus services, expanded the public distribution system, increased food subsidies and promoted industries, and its re-election with a brute majority in 1971 helped Karunanidhi emerge out of Anna’s shadow. His followers compared him to Sheikh Mujibur Rahman of Bangladesh.
M. Karunanidhi | Photo Credit: Getty Images
“However, his worst nightmare also began in October 1972, when ally-turned-rival MGR broke away, levelling charges of nepotism and corruption that dogged his political career until his death. Similarly, he lived through the charge of introducing a whole new generation to alcohol when he lifted prohibition in 1972, citing financial reasons,” says Kannan.
The seed sown by Karunanidhi has grown into a banyan tree, overshadowing Tamil Nadu’s achievements in other fields. The State today depends on sale of liquor to fund its welfare schemes, leading to the criticism that it gives with one hand and takes away with the other.
Karunanidhi and MGR | Photo Credit: The Hindu archives
The Lankan Tamil issue
Kannan has dealt in detail with the Sri Lankan Tamil issue which always remained a thorn in the DMK’s flesh. The LTTE, the powerful Sri Lankan Tamil militant group, was close to MGR, since he was in power. It also made use of the DMK government after 1989 and assassinated EPRLF leader Padmanabha and later Congress leader Rajiv Gandhi in Tamil Nadu. The DMK had to pay a heavy price for indulging the LTTE and the party has always been wary of the LTTE’s designs.
Then Tamil Nadu Chief Minister M. Karunanidhi with Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi in New Delhi, in 1989. | Photo Credit: The Hindu archives
Even though the DMK was in power and Karunanidhi was the Chief Minister, he could not do much and remained a mute spectator during the last phase of the civil war in Sri Lanka, which claimed thousands of Tamil lives. “We will never know if his resignation as Chief Minister over the issue would have brought a ceasefire and saved the deaths of thousands. But Karunanidhi would have lived up to his self-declared title as Thamizhinath Thalaivar. He threw away a historic opportunity,” writes Kannan. This happened despite the fact that the DMK was a powerful partner of the Congress-led UPA government at the Centre.
The renovated memorial of DMK founder C.N. Annadurai and the museum of late Chief Minister M. Karunanidhi, in Chennai. | Photo Credit: B. Jothi Ramalingam
Shifting stands
Kannan is also critical of the DMK’s years at the Centre. “Karunanidhi was reluctant to use his power for positive gain on his avowed goals of regional autonomy or official status to all languages, and except for the questionable usefulness of designating Tamil as a classical language, nothing much was achieved. In the end, this was an opportunity that the octogenarian squandered away,” he writes.
Tamil Nadu Chief Minister and DMK president M.K. Stalin | Photo Credit: B. Jothi Ramalingam
The DMK led by Stalin now is the most vociferous opponent of the BJP and its communal ideology. But one should not forget the fact that the DMK gave a chance to the NDA to complete a full-term at the Centre, between 1999 and 2004. When Jayalalithaa withdrew her party’s support to A.B. Vajpayee’s government, Murasoli Maran, the conscience- keeper of Karunanidhi, shed his party’s inhibitions towards the BJP and declared that no party is untouchable. As Kannan has written, Karunanidhi famously justified the stand, saying, “Jayalalithaa’s corruption is more dangerous than communalism.”
Then leader of the AIADMK Legislature Party J. Jayalalithaa taking oath as member of the Tamil Nadu Legislative Assembly, on February 6, 1989. DMK supremo and Tamil Nadu Chief Minister, M. Karunanidhi, looks on. | Photo Credit: The Hindu archives
M. Karunanidhi (left) and Murasoli Maran. | Photo Credit: Bijoy Ghosh
Then Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee and DMK chief M. Karunanidhi with other NDA leaders. | Photo Credit: Getty Images
It was an excuse. The DMK was in power and it need not have had the fear of being dismissed by the Centre as the Supreme Court order in the Bommai case would not allow it. Maran wanted to make use of power at the Centre and the BJP successfully completed its tenure and closed opportunities for knitting together a third front.
The DMK Years; R. Kannan, Viking, ₹1,299.
kolappan.b@thehindu.co.in
Published - September 13, 2024 09:00 am IST
