The Hindu : Something better than nothing

Online edition of India's National Newspaper
Thursday, Jun 19, 2003

Opinion

Opinion - Editorials

Something better than nothing

AFTER THE VIRULENT opposition to the women's quota Bill in the Lok Sabha last month, the failure to evolve a consensus at the all-party meeting convened by the Speaker should come as no surprise. Indeed, the narrowing down of differences, and the readiness to look at three alternatives to the present Bill should be seen as a step forward at a time when the seriousness of the political class about the concept of reservation for women in the highest elected bodies was in doubt. However, too often in the past, deliberations over alternative proposals were used to delay the passing of any legislation guaranteeing women increased representation in Parliament and State legislatures. There is thus some understandable scepticism about the "in principle" agreement among all the major parties on the need to provide reservation for women.

Although it is impossible to draft a bill which would please all parties, each of the three alternatives has something to offer to the opponents of the present Bill which reserves one-third of seats by rotation for women. However, the reduction of the reservation percentage from 33 to 15 or 20 would invariably be seen as a dilution of the present Bill, and for that reason, might not find the acceptance of its active proponents such as the CPI(M). Actually, the CPI(M) has already stated clearly that it would only support the Bill in the present form. But, the Samajwadi Party, which opposed the present Bill saying it did not provide for separate reservation for women belonging to Backward Classes and Minorities, is now a votary of the reduced percentage proposal. Another alternative — making one-third of the constituencies double-member seats to accommodate women — is painless for prospective male representatives in political parties, but it could raise other political difficulties such as widening (in terms of absolute numbers) of the gap between the smaller and the big States in representation in Parliament. Moreover, this proposal would not guarantee one-third representation for women. For that to happen, exactly half the total number of constituencies would have to be made double-member. A 50 per cent increase in the total seats of all elected bodies is no small matter. As such, the old proposal of the Election Commission which places the onus on political parties for the nomination of 33 per cent women in their candidates list appears more reasonable, though it too cannot guarantee one-third representation for women.

All these proposals, in one form or the other, have already been debated at length. For whatever reason, the present Bill was seen as the best option to provide reservation for women. But, in the face of such strong opposition from parties such as the SP and the RJD, it is the infirmities of the present Bill that stand out, and not the advantages. The provision for rotation of constituencies could alienate the elected representatives from the voters. In such a situation, when the advantages and disadvantages of each of the four proposals (including the present Bill) are amply clear, the political parties should reach a consensus quickly on any one. This is the best way to end the hypocrisy and doublespeak that has characterised much of the actions of the political class on reservation for women. As has been pointed out by a former Union Minister, Ram Vilas Paswan, some of the partners in Government, such as the Shiv Sena, the Janata Dal (United) and the Samata Party, have opposed the Bill after agreeing to it at a Cabinet meeting. Something is better than nothing, and for a start, consensus on even a diluted form of reservation cannot be too bad. Anything beyond the present stalemate would qualify as progress.

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