Opinion
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News Analysis
Calibrating a conflagration
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The VHP's various programmes ensure that the communal fire is stoked for electoral gains while the BJP can keep the Ram temple issue out of its election manifesto, says J. P. Shukla.
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FOR MORE than a decade now, the Ayodhya controversy has mutated the course of electoral politics in Uttar Pradesh. Electoral gains have accrued to the BJP as a result of the communal polarisation.
The BJP's national leaders may repeatedly declare that the party had put the controversial issue in cold storage as decided by the NDA, but other members of the Sangh Parivar offer a different view. The RSS and the VHP openly declare that any commitment made by the BJP on Ayodhya is not binding on them. All this has been to the BJP's advantage.
The row over VHP leaders recently storming the makeshift temple at Ayodhya constructed on the ruins of the Babri Masjid, in clear violation of the law, was the latest example of the Parivar's doublespeak. The Prime Minister, Mr. Atal Behari Vajpayee, and the Union Home Minister, Mr. L. K. Advani, both quickly expressed their disapproval of the VHP's action and assured the nation that security would be tightened at the disputed site. The VHP leaders escaped unscathed. They defended their action without any reservations, saying it was their right to worship the deity at the makeshift temple. The Uttar Pradesh administration was busy covering up the contradictions in the statements of various functionaries of the Government and the Hindu fundamentalist organisations.
While the VHP leaders themselves announced to the media that they had stormed the temple to worship ``Ramlala'', the administration took the position that they had only entered the isolation zone and not the temple as such. As public pressure mounted, a diluted FIR was filed the next day. The only visible action taken later was to suspend local civil and police officials at Ayodhya. But these officials have reportedly been assured by their higher-ups that the action was only to ward off public criticism and that they would be rewarded in due course for going soft on the VHP.
The VHP leaders have, meanwhile, expressed their determination to go ahead with construction of the Ram temple at the disputed site after March 12. As a preparatory measure, a series of additional programmes have been announced. Since November 26, the VHP has been conducting a ``Ram nam jap yagya'' at 10,000 places countrywide to create a ``spiritual atmosphere'' for the construction of the temple. The programme will continue for 65 days. From February 17, all the participants in this ``yagya'' will start to converge on Ayodhya for another ceremony which would last for a month.
Prior to that, a ``Chetawani Yatra'' by thousands of sadhus would start on January 21 from Ayodhya for New Delhi. These sants would address meetings along the way to build up public opinion in favour of the construction of the Ram temple. They would also warn the Government that they would not defer construction beyond March 12. The ``Chetawani Yatra'' would converge on New Delhi on January 27 where the participants would hold discussions with the Prime Minister, members of Parliament and others to impress upon them the urgency for construction of the temple.
The dates for these programmes have been carefully chosen to coincide with the campaign for the Uttar Pradesh Assembly elections. This would ensure that the communal fire is stoked for electoral gains while the BJP can keep the Ram temple issue out of its election manifesto.
The announcement by the Prime Minister that negotiations were already on to resolve the Ayodhya issue has only added to the plot. Does this imply that by the VHP deadline of March 12 a solution to the problem will emerge? No one has, however, spelt out where the negotiations are going on or with whom.
But Ayodhya is not the only issue with communal overtones for the election campaign. The ban on the Students Islamic Movement of India (SIMI), the American `war against terrorism' and the Prevention of Terrorism Ordinance all have enough potential to polarise votes on communal lines.
The BJP has already indicated it will use POTO as a big election issue. Its leaders have taken the position that those opposing POTO are neglecting the national interest and supporting terrorism. Opposition to POTO has been described as an act meant to appease the minorities and garner their votes.
While the BJP has a natural vested interest in polarisation of votes on communal lines, the Opposition parties also are not free from blame. Ayodhya may symbolise the dangers posed by communal forces. But communalism has the potential to appear in innumerable forms during the elections.
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