As expected, it turned out to be a massive show of strength when the Maratha community took out a State-level morcha in Mumbai, reminiscent of one such show of strength on the streets of Mumbai by Ambedkarites in the early ’80s to protest the Riddles controversy.
The Mumbai Kranti Morcha was the culmination of similar morchas taken out in more than 50 important towns and cities to press for inclusion of the Maratha caste in the OBC list for reservation in education and government jobs.
Right from the beginning, organisers have kept the marches ‘silent’ to avoid provocation and to silently protest the delay in addressing their demands. What is remarkable is that no political party or politician has been at the forefront of these morchas, in a display of the resourcefulness and managerial skills of the community, which has been the ruling caste in the State.
The demand to include Marathas in the OBC list is not new, but it came to the fore when similar demands made in other States, like the Patidars in Gujarat and the Jats in Haryana, gathered momentum.
Marathas have been agriculturists for centuries, and the community has been facing the vagaries of the monsoon as Maharashtra is where the Decccan plateau’s topography limits the development of irrigation facilities. With leaders like Y.B. Chavan and Vasantdada Patil, the community gained control of the levers of power in the post-Independence period through a network of co-operatives and educational institutions.
However, several committees set up by the government to gauge backwardness in the community have pointed out that though it has ruled the State by providing leadership for almost four decades, a majority of Marathas who depend on dry-land farming remained impoverished, though a few kulaks received all the benefits.
The rally organisers must be complimented for keeping the movement free of political interference and peaceful, which is no mean achievement. Though there is no direct political game plan associated with these massive morchas, the issue has always had a political overtone. These recent protests, though peaceful, also have a political subtext, and an awareness that the community has lost power with the changing political scenario in the country after the 2014 general elections. There is a sense of loss but no frustration, as Marathas have made strides in several fields by adopting modern technology and keeping the younger generation ahead in education and the corporate world.
The issue of reservation is not simple, as it has many legal and constitutional aspects. During the Congress rule, then-Chief Minister Vilasrao Deshmukh had set up a committee to assess if the community qualifies for inclusion in the OBC list. Based on data collected from rural Maharashtra, the committee had said Marathas could be given reservation without disturbing quotas assured by the Constitution to the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in the State.
The Sakal Maratha Samaj, an umbrella organisation for Maratha groups, has been demanding the death penalty for the accused in the Kopardi gangrape and murder case, amendments in the Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989, along with reservation.
There is also an undercurrent of resentment against CM Devendra Fadnavis, but he seems to have deflected it by using Narayan Rane’s help to hold talks with the organisers. Both organisers and authorities know the issue is not going to be resolved overnight due to legal complexities. The CM has announced the decision to refer the matter to the Backward Class Commission to strengthen the case for Maratha reservation. Other communities, including the Dhangars, are also in queue with similar demands, testing the political acumen of the Fadnavis government. The issue will remain on the backburner till the general elections in 2019, when the Narendra Modi government faces the electorate.
The writer is a Mumbai-based author and artist
