The Krishna in the north and the Tungabhadra in the South criss-cross the barren landscape of the six districts of the Hyderabad-Karnataka region, whose identity is entangled with its socio-economic backwardness.
Once part of the Nizam’s empire (barring Ballari district), the region has for long been a Congress bastion, which the special status accorded under Article 371-J of the Constitution in 2012 has only cemented. While the effectiveness of the status is still being debated, the Congress hopes to improve its tally of the 40 seats on a narrative of development and caste calculations.
The BJP, which recently appointed Ram Madhav (credited with successful election management in Jammu and Kashmir and in the northeast) as the election manager for the region, hopes to get a foothold here.
In February, Congress president Rahul Gandhi kicked off the party campaign in Karnataka here and his narrative focussed on its role in implementing Article 371(J). The proposal was rejected by the NDA government at the Centre in 2002, and the Congress has taken credit for most major development programmes.
Some of the benefits of the special status — reservation in education and employment and funds for infrastructure development — are already tangible.
“People voted for us in 2013 recognising our contribution to the enactment of Article 371(J) and they will again vote for us for ensuring these benefits reach,” says Sharan Prakash Patil, Congress leader and State Medical Education Minister. He believes the party will improve its tally from 23 to over 30 now.
The BJP’s counter-move is to bust the claim of development, alleging “lack of implementation” by an “apathetic” Siddaramaiah government.
However, though unstated, the caste equations hold the key in the region where 18 of the 40 seats are reserved for the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes. Muslims are a significant number and Lingayats are an influential lobby.
Lingayat question
Stirring the pot is the recent move by the State government to recommend “religious minority” status for Lingayats. The community is believed to form a significant chunk of the BJP’s electoral base, and this move may end up splitting the vote and benefiting the Congress.
What will be interesting to is see if Mr. Siddaramaiah’s AHINDA (minorities, backward classes and Dalits) coalition can see the Congress hold seats in reserved constituencies. If in 2008, the BJP won 12 of the reserved seats, in 2013, the Congress won 11.
In 2008, when the BJP came to power, the party made gains in the region, particularly in Ballari. By 2013, the Reddy brothers became the face of rampant illegal mining, and the BJP government fell.
While one of Reddy brothers is contesting from the BJP time around, two “tainted” miners Anand Singh and B. Nagendra are now in the Congress fold, denting the Congress’s high moral ground.
The BJP is relying on the perceived popularity of Prime Minister Narendra Modi.
“Modi wave is strong among youth even in remote rural areas. And with Congress leader Malikayya Guttedar joining the BJP, there will be a mobilisation of backward communities,” says K.B. Shanappa, a BJP leader.
