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Fighting over nothing

THERE SEEMS TO be no end to the internal squabbling in the Tamil Nadu Congress Committee. With as many factions as leaders, the TNCC has never been a coherent unit capable of making the Congress a viable alternative to the two major Dravidian parties, the DMK and the AIADMK. Indeed, one of the problems of the Congress in Tamil Nadu is that at any point of time there is one pro-AIADMK and another pro-DMK faction in the TNCC. Thus, the current quarrelling over "dual leadership" (which was itself a concession to two dominant factions) is hardly a cause for surprise. But, quite inexplicably, the faction led by the AICC secretary, G.K. Vasan, boycotted a meeting to decide on the Kamaraj centenary celebrations, showing a sense of bad timing. The meeting convened by the AICC general secretary, Kamal Nath, was certainly not an occasion for making public any displeasure over the continuance of the TNCC president, S. Balakrishnan, and the working president, E.V.K.S. Elangovan. If anything, the centenary of Kamaraj should have been utilised as an opportunity to sink factional differences and put up at least a semblance of unity. True, Mr. Balakrishnan and Mr. Elangovan had their differences that in many ways affected the functioning of the party, but pressure tactics of the kind displayed by the Vasan faction looked totally out of place on this occasion. The immediate fallout is that the centenary of Kamaraj would be largely confined to Virudhunagar, his hometown. The AICC president, Sonia Gandhi, disappointed with the widening factional rift, is reviewing plans of visiting the State to participate in the celebrations.

Mr. Vasan is keen on running the TNCC by remote control. The "dual leadership" arrangement was worked out by the AICC high command after the TMC, led by him, merged with the Congress. Mr. Balakrishnan was his choice for the TNCC presidentship replacing Mr. Elangovan, who, however, continued as the working president. But, in the last few months, Mr. Vasan was evidently unable to lord it over TNCC affairs, and hence the public display of displeasure. Mr. Elangovan, who had blamed "evil forces" backed by the AIADMK for the factionalism in the party, provided the immediate provocation for the present revolt. However, the problem goes much deeper. Indeed, all those who clamour for a change in the TNCC leadership along with Mr. Vasan are not his camp followers. The former TNCC president, K.V. Thangabalu, for instance, is with Mr. Vasan for the limited objective of removing the incumbents. Arguably, the removal of Mr. Balakrishnan or Mr. Elangovan would not solve the problems of factionalism. The different factions, united in the demand for a change in the TNCC leadership, are divided on the choice of a successor.

Actually, there has been no instance, in the recent past, of any TNCC president having enjoyed the support of all factions in the party. To some extent, the Congress high command was itself responsible for the factionalism, using one leader as a check on another. This ensured sufficient play for different groups, but stifled the overall functioning of the TNCC. The factions have only multiplied over the years, and often, the inner-party rivalries do not rise above the level of personality clashes. In such a situation, there is an urgent need for evolving some form of a collective leadership. Although Mr. Elangovan has given the Congress the voice of an Opposition party by adopting a strident anti-AIADMK line, the present "dual leadership" has all the weaknesses of a compromise formula. If the Congress high command wants to take other factional leaders on board, it would have to envisage a more democratic structure for the TNCC and shift the focus again from personalities to issues.

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