The Hindu : Jayalalithaa's presence shows BJP's skill in winning friends

Online edition of India's National Newspaper
Monday, Dec 23, 2002

National

National

Jayalalithaa's presence shows BJP's skill in winning friends

By K. K. Katyal

NEW DELHI DEC. 22. The AIADMK supremo, J. Jayalalithaa's presence at today's swearing-in of Narendra Modi, as the Chief Minister of Gujarat, dramatically demonstrated the BJP's skill in making political friends and winning supporters. This was in keeping with its conduct in the recent past when the party, getting over the untouchability factor, was able to form a coalition at the Centre with non-Congress, non-Left sections, and managed to stay in office for nearly five years.

That the AIADMK, a key constituent of the coalition initially, parted company with the BJP after a year, leading to the collapse of the first Vajpayee Government in 1999, is a different story. The AIADMK has not formally returned to the National Democratic Alliance (NDA), but its support to the Central government on crucial occasions has brought it close to the ruling alliance.

The decision of the AIADMK Government in Tamil Nadu against religious conversions endeared it to the BJP, so much so that the new Modi administration will be giving priority to action on the Tamil Nadu model. The BSP and its leader and the U.P. Chief Minister, Mayawati, too, has extended crucial support to the NDA, without being a part of it.

All this came at a time when the present constituents and supporters of the NDA were worried over the shift in the internal balance against them, especially after the BJP's triumph in Gujarat. Not that they would leave the ruling alliance because of their marginalisation, the glue of power being too strong to let any such thought cross their mind. The support of the AIADMK and the BSP would act as an additional check against such a move.

The goings-on in the Congress camp presented a sharp contrast. It did not — or could not — enlist the support of the non-BJP groups for a joint effort to counter the Modi challenge. Take the case of the Samajwadi Party of Mulayam Singh Yadav, another bitter opponent of the BJP. The Congress and the SP did not join hands in the electoral fight. On the other hand, the SP, taking a highly unrealistic view of its strength in Gujarat, fielded as many as 44 candidates, all but four of whom lost their security deposits. They, however, split the anti-BJP vote, giving the party an unearned advantage. Earlier, the Congress and the SP failed to forge a united front in U.P. against the Mayawati-led coalition, when it received a major jolt because of inner revolt.

On the face of it, the Congress took a correct line — it did not want to be seen as a party, engaged in the ministry-breaking game, preferring instead to await the collapse of the ruling combine due to internal pressures. But was there any evidence of the Congress and the SP seeking to formulate a joint strategy to meet the various contingencies?

At the recent conference of the Congress Chief Ministers at Mount Abu, the party president, Sonia Gandhi, took a pragmatic line on coalitions. The party, it was stated, would not have a closed mind on power-sharing or joint actions in situations where it has no chance of forming the government on its own. But in the very first opportunity after the Mount Abu conclave — the Gujarat Assembly elections — it failed to operationalise the new line. Not that their united front would have prevented the BJP march to victory, but it would have given credibility to their shared stand. There is nothing to suggest that the Congress has learnt the right lesson on the subject.

Another notable feature of today's swearing-in ceremony was the presence of the Prime Minister, Atal Behari Vajpayee, and the Deputy Prime Minister, L.K. Advani. This was a conscious, well-thought-out decision, intended to convey a political message — that Gujarat could just be the beginning of a string of victories. Then there was the not-so-hidden sub-text that the BJP was the architect of the Gujarat victory. This may not be quite relished by the Vishwa Hindu Parishad and others of the Sangh Parivar who take the credit for master-minding the Modi triumph.

The two sides may have different ideas on the strategy for the forthcoming Assembly elections — on whether or not to replicate Gujarat elsewhere. Mr. Vajpayee may seek to manage the divergence through tight-rope walking. Whether and, if so, how it works in actual practice is a matter of speculation at this stage.

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